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Viaje a Lyndon Johnson



Lyndon Johnson Travels - Historia

Poco después de la muerte de Lyndon Baines Johnson en enero de 1973, algunos de sus amigos comenzaron a considerar la posibilidad de crear un monumento nacional al 36º presidente de los Estados Unidos en Washington, DC. Decidieron que un bosquecillo de árboles, un "monumento conmemorativo" sería una representación adecuada de un hombre que valoraba la naturaleza en su vida personal y apoyaba la protección del medio ambiente en su presidencia. Lady Bird Johnson seleccionó la isla Columbia, que se encuentra entre George Washington Memorial Parkway y Boundary Channel, como el sitio. El Comité Conmemorativo de LBJ Grove recaudó más de $ 2 millones en donaciones de personas de todo Estados Unidos. El destacado arquitecto paisajista local Meade Palmer trabajó en estrecha colaboración con la Sra. Johnson para planificar la arboleda, que se inauguró el 6 de abril de 1976. La arboleda conmemorativa tiene dos secciones. El área conmemorativa, rodeada por un bosque de pinos, se enfoca en la vida, metas y logros de Lyndon B. Johnson. El segundo tramo consta de una amplia pradera cubierta de hierba rodeada por un camino de grava para pasear y enmarcado por árboles. Con la intención de proporcionar rejuvenecimiento físico y espiritual, esta parte de la arboleda también refleja el consuelo que Johnson encontró en la naturaleza y el aire libre. La pradera cubierta de hierba, especialmente reservada para brindar un entorno tranquilo para que la gente se siente, camine y se relaje, está en consonancia con el legado de Johnson de tratar de garantizar que todos los estadounidenses puedan disfrutar de lo que él valora.

En el área conmemorativa formal, una amplia pasarela de losas gira suavemente en espiral a través de una arboleda de pinos blancos hasta un monolito de granito Sunset Red de 19 pies de altura en el centro de una plaza de losas. Extraída en una cantera de Texas, nativa de Johnson & rsquos, la piedra llegó al sitio en 1974. La arboleda, que consta de 900 pinos blancos seleccionados por su forma y color de hoja perenne, rodea la plaza por tres lados. El tercer lado está abierto y mira hacia el río Potomac hacia Washington, DC. Los árboles maduros crean una sensación dramática de recinto para los visitantes que caminan por el camino hacia la plaza. Azaleas, rododendros, arbustos en flor, flores silvestres y bulbos de primavera cubren el suelo debajo de los árboles. La forma y la ubicación de los lechos de plantación y la pared baja de losas que paralela al camino hacen eco del diseño en espiral de la pasarela. La Sra. Johnson seleccionó las cuatro citas inscritas en la base del monolito de granito. Encarnan los pensamientos del presidente sobre el medio ambiente, la educación, los derechos civiles y la presidencia. Cuatro simples bancos en el borde de la plaza brindan un lugar para contemplar la vista de los memoriales de Lincoln y Thomas Jefferson, el Monumento a Washington y el Capitolio al otro lado del Potomac. Los Johnson a menudo se detenían aquí en muchas ocasiones mientras conducían de regreso a Washington por George Washington Memorial Parkway.

La segunda área de la arboleda conmemorativa se enfoca hacia adentro en la extensión de hierba que constituye el prado. Más informal que el área de la plaza, ofrece una variedad de actividades recreativas pasivas. Los bancos a lo largo de la pasarela de grava que serpentea alrededor del prado brindan a los visitantes la oportunidad de sentarse y relajarse, y hay mesas de picnic debajo de los árboles que enmarcan el prado. El diseñador del monumento pensó que una extensión de césped enmarcada por árboles era una de las vistas más agradables del paisaje. Este espacio relativamente pequeño juega el mismo papel que los grandes parques públicos del siglo XIX. Al igual que ellos, ofrece a los visitantes, muchos de los cuales son habitantes urbanos, rejuvenecimiento, recreación pasiva y la oportunidad de disfrutar del aire libre.

El uso de una arboleda como un monumento viviente a Johnson fue particularmente apropiado en vista de su historial en la preservación del patrimonio natural de la nación. La Administración Johnson supervisó la adición de 3.6 millones de acres de tierra al Sistema de Parques Nacionales, aprobó la Ley de Vida Silvestre y creó el Fondo de Conservación de Tierras y Aguas. Inició la primera legislación que regula la contaminación del agua, en 1965 y 1966, y la contaminación del aire, en 1963 y 1967. La Ley de Planificación de Recursos Hídricos, la Ley de Preservación Histórica Nacional, el establecimiento de la primera Comisión Nacional del Agua, la Ley de Especies en Peligro de Extinción, y la Ley de Ríos Salvajes y Escénicos formaron parte del aumento de legislación dirigida a proteger el medio ambiente y el patrimonio natural que adoptó Johnson.

El Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove fue diseñado por Meade Palmer en colaboración con la firma de arquitectura e ingeniería de Mills and Petticord y el escultor Harold Vogel. Es un excelente ejemplo de arquitectura paisajística contemporánea, lo que permite que el sitio dicte la forma del diseño. Los diseñadores planearon la arboleda para una variedad de usuarios. Para los visitantes, ofrece un monumento al 36º presidente de los Estados Unidos y un agradable escenario al aire libre. Para los automovilistas en George Washington Memorial Parkway, es una vista hermosa. Para los pasajeros de los aviones que se acercan al Aeropuerto Nacional Reagan, la arboleda se convierte en una expresión abstracta del arte del paisaje.

El Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove en el Potomac National Memorial, una unidad del Sistema de Parques Nacionales, se encuentra cerca del Pentágono y el Cementerio Conmemorativo de Arlington. George Washington Memorial Parkway brinda acceso directo a las áreas de estacionamiento de LBJ Grove. Haga clic aquí para ver el archivo del Registro Nacional de Lugares Históricos: texto y fotos.

El monumento se encuentra en la isla Columbia, al oeste del puente de la calle 14 y al sur de George Washington Memorial Parkway. El parque de 17 acres está delimitado por George Washington Memorial Parkway en el noreste, Boundary Channel en el suroeste y Columbia Island Marina en el sureste. Para obtener más información, visite el National Park Service Lyndon Baines Johnson Memorial Grove en el sitio web del Potomac National Memorial o llame al 703-289-2500. El Memorial Grove está abierto todo el año durante el día. El parque cierra al anochecer. Los baños están en el puerto deportivo adyacente de la isla Columbia y están abiertos de 7:00 am a 10:00 pm. La entrada es gratuita para el público. La estación de metro más cercana es Arlington Cemetery. Los visitantes también pueden querer explorar más de Ladybird Johnson Park, del cual forma parte la arboleda conmemorativa. Este parque fue creado para honrar las contribuciones de Lady Bird Johnson & rsquos para embellecer Washington, DC y el país en general.


La complicada historia entre la prensa y la presidencia

El lunes, el presunto candidato republicano Donald Trump envió una lectura de tweet, & # 8220Basado en la cobertura y los informes increíblemente inexactos de la campaña récord de Trump, por la presente estamos revocando las credenciales de prensa de los falsos y deshonestos El Correo de Washington.”

El tuit fue en respuesta a un titular que el periódico publicó ese día sobre los comentarios de Trump sobre el tiroteo masivo de Orlando, que & # 160; primera lectura & # 8220, Donald Trump sugiere que el presidente Obama estuvo involucrado en el tiroteo en Orlando ", y luego fue editado antes de los comentarios de Trump. para leer, & # 8220Donald Trump parece conectar al presidente Obama con el tiroteo en Orlando ".

En el transcurso de su campaña, Trump ha negado o revocado las credenciales de prensa de varios medios, incluido el Correo Huffington, Politico, BuzzFeed, los Bestia diaria, los Registro de Des Moines, los Líder sindical de New Hampshire y Univision, & # 160NPR informes. Como candidato, la campaña de Trump tiene control sobre quiénes asisten a sus mítines y con qué medios de comunicación deciden cooperar. Si ganara la presidencia, prohibiciones similares a los medios de prensa no tendrían precedentes.

Según Joshua Keating en La política exterior, para obtener un pase de prensa para la sala de reuniones de la Casa Blanca, un periodista debe pasar algunos puntos de control. Primero, debe ser aprobado por el Comité Permanente de Corresponsales, una asociación de reporteros que aprueba los pases de prensa para el Congreso. Para ingresar a la Casa Blanca, los reporteros deben pasar por una verificación de antecedentes del Servicio Secreto. Keating dice que hay unos 2.000 reporteros con & # 8220 pases duros & # 8221 que les permiten acceder a la Casa Blanca, que puede renovarse cada año. Si bien la Casa Blanca tiene el poder de revocar pases, rara vez los saca, excepto por razones de seguridad o circunstancias inusuales, como un incidente de 2001 en el que el profesional independiente Trude Feldman fue sorprendido rebuscando en el cajón de un escritorio de un asistente de prensa. Incluso entonces, Feldman fue suspendida por 90 días, pero su pase no fue revocado unilateralmente.

George Condon, reportero de la Casa Blanca desde hace mucho tiempo y ex presidente de la Asociación de Corresponsales de la Casa Blanca y # 8217 le dice a Andrew Rafferty y Alex Seitz-Wald en NBC que él sabe de & # 8220 ninguna instancia de ningún periódico al que se le hayan retirado sus credenciales [de la Casa Blanca] & # 8221 desde el inicio de la asociación de corresponsales en 1914.

Pero eso no quiere decir que los medios de comunicación no hayan generado el disgusto de un presidente. El Correo de Washington ha sido un objetivo para varias administraciones y, sobre todo, después de que el periódico rompiera el escándalo de Watergate, el presidente Richard Nixon prohibió a los reporteros en cualquier lugar de la Casa Blanca fuera de la sala de conferencias de prensa.

Como el famoso reportero de Watergate Bob Woodward & # 160 dice a NBC & # 160 & # 8220, la Casa Blanca de Nixon no obtuvo formalmente las credenciales de prensa de la Correo pero comenzó a excluir el Correo cubriendo eventos sociales en la Casa Blanca. & # 8221 & # 160

En una grabación de audio, Nixon amenaza con despedir a su secretario de prensa Ron Ziegler si alguna vez deja que un Correo& # 160reportero en.

& # 8220 Quiero que se entienda claramente que de ahora en adelante, nunca, ningún reportero de El Washington Post va a estar alguna vez en la Casa Blanca. ¿Está claro? & # 8221 Nixon dice en la cinta. & # 8220 No hay servicio en la iglesia, nada de lo que hace la Sra. Nixon & # 8230 y tampoco fotógrafos & # 8230 Ahora que es un pedido total, y si es necesario, te despediré, ¿entiendes? & # 8221 & # 160

Lyndon Johnson tenía una relación muy diferente con el periódico, y en 1963, durante una conversación telefónica, coquetea con el CorreoLa editora de & # 8217s Katherine Graham, diciendo que se arrepintió & # 160de sólo hablar con ella por teléfono y desear poder ser & # 8220 como uno de estos animales jóvenes en mi rancho y saltar la cerca & # 8221 para ir a verla.

Pero su encanto en el teléfono era probablemente sólo una táctica de manipulación. Johnson era un agudo observador de los medios de comunicación y, a menudo, trataba de ejercer su influencia entre bastidores, incluso con la Correo. Como Michael R. & # 160Beschloss & # 160 escribe en su libro, & # 160Tomando el mando: las cintas de la Casa Blanca de Johnson 1963-1964, en las transcripciones de sus cintas, Johnson llama al director del FBI, J. Edgar Hoover, para ver si pueden presionar al periódico después de enterarse de que planean publicar un editorial que pediría una comisión para investigar el asesinato del presidente Kennedy, que Johnson & # 8217 # 160 en oposición. & # 160 Hover y Johnson se pusieron en contacto con & # 160Correo reporteros en un intento de matar la historia.

Gerald Ford nunca hizo una declaración sobre el Correo, pero indirectamente culpó al periódico por su reputación de torpe, tal como la inmortalizó Chevy Chase en "Saturday Night Live". Durante una visita a Salzburgo, Austria, en 1975, Ford se cayó mientras bajaba las escaleras del Air Force One. Según el libro de Mark Rozell, & # 160La prensa y la presidencia de Ford, los Correo publicó una imagen del incidente en su portada junto con una historia que decía & # 8220la caída resumía el viaje. Tropezar, torpemente, caer y revolver. & # 8221

La imagen de un presidente torpe se quedó y sigue siendo parte de su legado en la actualidad. En sus memorias Tiempo de sanar, Ford dice: & # 8220 A partir de ese momento, cada vez que tropezaba, me golpeaba la cabeza o me caía en la nieve, los reporteros se concentraban en eso excluyendo casi todo lo demás. La cobertura de noticias fue dañina. & # 8221

Las incómodas relaciones entre el presidente y la prensa se remontan a George Washington, quien "expresó su consternación" porque su despedida podría no ser debidamente cubierta por la prensa. & # 160 Sin duda, otros presidentes han tenido problemas con & # 160El Correo de Washington, & # 160 y muchos otros medios sin el mismo perfil nacional. Si bien las relaciones varían & # 8212William McKinley & # 160 tenía un loro mexicano de cabeza amarilla llamado & # 8220Washington Post & # 8221 que era el recibidor oficial de la Casa Blanca & # 8212, el baile entre los reporteros y el & # 160comandante en jefe siempre ha sido visto como un & # 160necesidad & # 160 para que la & # 160 nación funcione. & # 160

Sobre Jason Daley

Jason Daley es un escritor con sede en Madison, Wisconsin, que se especializa en historia natural, ciencia, viajes y medio ambiente. Su trabajo ha aparecido en Descubrir, Ciencia popular, Fuera de, Diario de hombresy otras revistas.


Comenzó su visita en la costa oeste

El 4 de noviembre de 1965, Margaret y su esposo, & # xA0Lord Snowdon, aterrizaron en California con un séquito de 16 personas y 75 piezas de equipaje, pisaron por primera vez San Francisco y se alojaron en los pisos 11 y 12 del Hotel Huntington en el área de Nob Hill. El grupo realizó visitas por todo el Área de la Bahía, incluido el Ayuntamiento de San Francisco, un desfile de modas en el Hotel Hilton, el campus de la Universidad de California en Berkeley, una misa en la Catedral Grace y la península de Monterey. Y, por supuesto, también jugaron a ser turistas en Coit Tower y en un teleférico.

& # x201CI había escuchado tanto sobre San Francisco que temía que me decepcionaría & # x2014 pero estuvo a la altura de mis expectativas & # x201D, dijo, según el Crónica de San Francisco .

Luego, fueron al sur de Los Ángeles, donde & # x2014 después de una gira por Universal Studios & # x2014 se codearon con los famosos, especialmente en una fiesta organizada por la socialité Sherman Douglas. En la lista de invitados: Judy Garland, Grace Kelly, Mia Farrow, Frank Sinatra, Gregory Peck, Elizabeth Taylor, Richard Burton, Fred Astaire y Natalie Wood. También hicieron una parada en el set de Cortina rasgada, donde conocieron a Paul Newman, Julie Andrews y Alfred Hitchcock.

La princesa Margaret y Lord Snowdon luego subieron a un avión a Arizona, donde pasaron cuatro días, visitando a un amigo cuyo padre, Lewis W. Douglas, fue el ex embajador en la Corte de St. James, además de disfrutar del tiempo en un Sonoita. rancho.

Lord Snowdon y Princess Margaret viajan en teleférico en San Francisco el 9 de noviembre de 1965

Foto: Keystone-France / Gamma-Rapho a través de Getty Images


El retrato presidencial que fue & # 8216 lo más feo & # 8217 L.B.J. Alguna vez vi

Cuando Barack Obama dio a conocer su retrato presidencial oficial en la Galería Nacional de Retratos del Smithsonian el lunes, su respuesta fue amable, aunque autocrítica. Esa combinación se ha convertido en una norma desde que el museo comenzó a encargar retratos de presidentes en la década de 1990. Obama elogió el parecido, pero bromeó diciendo que el artista Kehinde Wiley había negado su solicitud de ser pintado con orejas más pequeñas y menos canas en 2008, George W. Bush elogió el retrato de su compañero de clase Bob Anderson como & # 8220fabuloso & # 8221, pero bromeó diciendo que él sabía que aparecería una multitud considerable & # 8220 una vez que se corriera la voz sobre [su] ahorcamiento & # 8221. Incluso Abraham Lincoln se burló de su propia apariencia, a pesar de su hábil uso del retrato como mensaje político.

Pero no todas las reacciones de los presidentes a sus retratos oficiales han sido tan alegres. Cuando vio por primera vez la pintura que iba a ser su retrato oficial de la Casa Blanca, Lyndon B. Johnson dijo con disgusto que el trabajo del pintor Peter Hurd era la cosa más fea que había visto en mi vida y se negó a aceptarlo. Hurd ya llevaba décadas en su exitosa carrera como pintor, especializado en retratos y paisajes del suroeste de Estados Unidos. Lo suficientemente arrogante como para no verse afectado por el comentario y ansioso por publicitar el comportamiento del presidente & # 8217 & # 8220 muy grosero & # 8221, respondió fácilmente a la curiosidad de la prensa sobre el incidente. Los estadounidenses simpatizaban con el artista despreciado y se mostraban cada vez más escépticos con respecto al carácter del presidente & # 8217s & # 8212, un desaire que Johnson, que ya era visto como de mal genio, difícilmente podía permitirse. Después de exhibir la pieza en un museo de Texas en represalia, Hurd luego donó su pintura a la Galería de Retratos, que acordó no exhibirla hasta después de la muerte de Johnson.

& # 8220Es & # 8217 es un misterio para mí & # 8221, dice David C. Ward, ex historiador principal de la National Portrait Gallery y autor del nuevo lanzamiento. Presidentes de América y # 8217: Galería Nacional de Retratos. & # 8220Es & # 8217 es un buen retrato ceremonial del siglo XX, y lo odiaba. & # 8221

Presidentes de Estados Unidos: Galería Nacional de Retratos

Una sorprendente colección de retratos presidenciales de la Galería Nacional de Retratos, este volumen resume el espíritu de la oficina más poderosa del mundo.

A diferencia del retrato de Obama, que ha recibido elogios por su desviación de la tradición fotorrealista del retrato presidencial, el retrato de Johnson de Hurd no era radical y en su rostro parecía bastante similar a los de sus predecesores (Elaine de Kooning & # 8217s retrato John F. Kennedy es una excepción notable.) Un tejano alto, de anchos hombros y aspecto decidido con un digno traje negro, se imagina a Johnson en lo alto del techo de la Biblioteca del Congreso, sosteniendo un libro de historia de Estados Unidos de aspecto pesado, como el edificio enano del Capitolio de los Estados Unidos ilumina Washington, DC en el fondo crepuscular. Al igual que Wiley, Hurd no encogió las orejas del presidente, no borró las líneas de su rostro ni oscureció su cabello gris peinado hacia atrás; retrató a Johnson de manera halagadora y poderosa, pero lo retrató como era.

& # 8220Si te olvidas de la opinión de [Johnson & # 8217] & # 8212 & # 8217s es un retrato muy bueno de [él] & # 8221 Ward. & # 8220 El hecho de que tengas a Lyndon Johnson en este espacio ficticio, elevado por encima de todo el paisaje de la capital de la nación, creo que & # 8217 es interesante & # 8230 Eso & # 8217 es lo que Johnson era. Fue maestro del Senado y luego un presidente extremadamente importante. & # 8221

Sin embargo, a pesar de su poder y prominencia, Johnson a menudo se sentía abrumado por la inseguridad. Como tejano, se veía a sí mismo como una especie de forastero, según Ward, y a menudo se mostraba paranoico porque los políticos más refinados intentaban aprovecharse de él. Esta inquietud era especialmente obvia en su relación con los Kennedy: aunque eran ricos, convencionalmente atractivos y en gran parte vistos como elegantes y distinguidos, Johnson creció en la pobreza y, a veces, se lo consideraba un & # 8220 crudo, un tipo de bufón de Texas descomunal, & # 8220 # 8221 según Ward.

& # 8220Él & # 8217 es una figura importante, y nosotros & # 8217 hemos tendido a olvidarnos de él & # 8221 Ward. & # 8220 Él & # 8217 todavía está abrumado & # 8212 y esto lo volvería loco & # 8211 & # 8211 por el glamour de [John F.] Kennedy. & # 8221

Esa tensión podría explicar la crítica de Lady Bird Johnson de que el retrato de su marido no representaba correctamente sus manos trabajadoras y rebeldes. Aunque la familia de Johnson era pobre, él no era un peón. Se convirtió en profesor nada más salir de la universidad y rápidamente pasó a la vida política. Ward teoriza que quizás Lady Bird sintió que el retrato no lo diferenciaba adecuadamente de los gentiles habitantes de Nueva Inglaterra como Bobby Kennedy.

& # 8220Johnson siempre pensó que la gente lo despreciaba & # 8221 Ward. & # 8220 Me pregunto si no hay & # 8217t esta inquietud por parte de Johnson de que de alguna manera los urbanitas se están aprovechando de él. & # 8221

Pero es posible e incluso probable, según Ward, que la desaprobación de Johnson por el retrato tuviera menos que ver con que él estuviera lleno de sentimientos de inseguridad que con que él mismo fuera una especie de matón. Se sabe que llevó a un asistente y a un plomero al colapso mental durante su tiempo como político (aunque el asistente dijo más tarde que Johnson era muy consciente del bienestar de su personal). Tenía la costumbre de aplicar el descriptor & # 8220piss. -ant & # 8221 a sus adversarios, desde & # 8220piss-ant & # 8221 reporteros al & # 8220damn little piss-ant country & # 8221 de Vietnam. Y al rechazar a Hurd, Johnson mostró arrogantemente al artista su retrato creado por el renombrado Norman Rockwell, que afirmó preferir a pesar de que más tarde también se deshizo de esa pintura.

& # 8220Si él sintió que usted no tenía ningún poder, no creo que sea alguien con quien usted quiera pasar algún tiempo, dice Ward. & # 8220 Le gustaba intimidar a la gente. Era como esta compulsión por dominar a la gente. & # 8221

Pero, ¿no podría su personalidad cáustica ser simplemente un subproducto de su inseguridad? En última instancia, la discusión sobre la impactante reacción de Johnson a su retrato presidencial no pudo ser más agobiante que el legado del hombre mismo. Una vez un célebre político liberal, Johnson defendió las causas económicas progresistas, el acceso a la educación y la igualdad racial con su sueño de una & # 8220Gran Sociedad & # 8221 en el apogeo de la era de los derechos civiles. Pero su enfoque desastroso de la guerra de Vietnam, que provocó la muerte de más de 58.000 estadounidenses, prácticamente impide recordarlo como un gran presidente. La cuestión de cómo recordar a Lyndon B. Johnson en el retrato y en la política no tiene una respuesta sencilla.

& # 8220Él & # 8217 es una figura cada vez más trágica, & # 8221 Ward dice. & # 8220Pero, por otro lado, el punto de ser una figura trágica es que provocas tu propia desaparición. & # 8221


Reflexiones sobre la Cumbre de Derechos Civiles

Pero eso no sería cierto. Johnson fue un hombre de su tiempo, y tenía esos defectos con tanta seguridad como trató de hacer que el país los superara. Durante dos décadas en el Congreso fue un miembro confiable del bloque del Sur, que ayudó a obstaculizar la legislación de derechos civiles. Como recuerda Caro, Johnson pasó a fines de la década de 1940 criticando a las "hordas de bárbaros enanos amarillos" en el este de Asia. Aceptando el estereotipo de que los negros le tenían miedo a las serpientes (¿quién no le teme a las serpientes?), Conduciría a las gasolineras con una en el baúl y trataría de engañar a los asistentes negros para que la abrieran. Una vez, escribe Caro, el truco casi terminó cuando lo golpearon con una llanta de hierro.

Tampoco fue el tipo de racismo inmaduro de chicos de fraternidad que Johnson finalmente desechó. Incluso como presidente, las relaciones interpersonales de Johnson con los negros se vieron empañadas por sus prejuicios. Como escribió en sus memorias el corresponsal de Jet desde hace mucho tiempo, Simeon BookerConmociona la conciencia, al principio de su presidencia, Johnson una vez dio una conferencia a Booker después de que él escribiera un artículo crítico para Jet Magazine, diciéndole a Booker que debería "agradecer" a Johnson por todo lo que había hecho por los negros. En Gigante imperfecto, El biógrafo de Johnson, Robert Dallek, escribe que Johnson explicó su decisión de nominar a Thurgood Marshall a la Corte Suprema en lugar de a un juez negro menos famoso diciendo: "cuando nombro a un negro para el tribunal, quiero que todos sepan que es un negro".

Según Caro, Robert Parker, el chofer ocasional de Johnson, descrito en sus memorias Capitol Hill en blanco y negro un momento en el que Johnson le preguntó a Parker si prefería que lo llamaran por su nombre en lugar de "niño", "negro" o "jefe". Cuando Parker dijo que lo haría, Johnson se enojó y dijo: "Mientras seas negro, y serás negro hasta el día de tu muerte, nadie te llamará por tu maldito nombre. Así que no importa cómo te llamen , negro, déjalo rodar por tu espalda como el agua y lo lograrás. Simplemente finge que eres un maldito mueble ".

Que Johnson pueda parecer difícil de cuadrar con el público Johnson, el que dedicó su presidencia a derribar las "barreras del odio y el terror" entre el blanco y el negro.

En los sectores conservadores, el racismo de Johnson, y el espectáculo racista que ofrecería a los segregacionistas del sur, se presenta como prueba de la conspiración demócrata para atrapar de alguna manera a los votantes negros con, para usar la terminología de Mitt Romney, "obsequios" entregados a través de las redes sociales. red de seguridad. Pero si la ayuda del gobierno fuera todo lo que se necesitara para ganarse la lealtad permanente de generaciones de votantes, entonces los viejos blancos con Medicare serían demócratas acérrimos.

Entonces, en el mejor de los casos, esa evaluación es miope y, en el peor, suscribe la idea de que los negros están predispuestos a la dependencia del gobierno. Eso no solo es anterior a Johnson, es anterior a la emancipación. Como cuenta Eric Foner en Reconstrucción, la Guerra Civil aún no había terminado, pero algunos generales de la Unión creían que los negros, habiendo existido como una clase trabajadora bajo coacción en Estados Unidos durante más de un siglo, deberían, no obstante, aprender a trabajar "para ganarse la vida en lugar de depender del gobierno para soporte."

Quizás la explicación simple, que Johnson probablemente entendió mejor que la mayoría, fue que no existe una fórmula mágica a través de la cual las personas puedan emanciparse de los prejuicios, ni una línea de meta que, cuando se cruza, otorgue al alma de una persona una brillante medalla de pureza en cuestiones de raza. . Todo lo que podemos ofrecer es un compromiso con la justicia de palabra y de hecho, que debe ser respetado, pero del que todos, ocasionalmente, nos quedaremos cortos. Quizás cuando Johnson dijo "no solo los negros, sino todos nosotros, quienes debemos superar el legado paralizante de la intolerancia", realmente se refería a todos nosotros, incluido él mismo.

El racismo de Johnson tampoco debería eclipsar lo que hizo para empujar a Estados Unidos hacia la promesa incumplida de su fundación. Cuando los republicanos dicen que son el Partido de Lincoln, no quieren decir que son el partido de deportar a los negros a África Occidental, o el partido de oponerse al sufragio negro, o el partido de permitir a los estados la autoridad de prohibir la migración de los libertos. allí, todas las opciones que Lincoln consideró. Quieren decir que son el partido que aplastó al imperio esclavista de la Confederación y ayudó a liberar a los estadounidenses negros de la esclavitud.

Pero tampoco debemos olvidar el racismo de Johnson. Después de la muerte de Johnson, Parker reflexionaba sobre el Johnson que defendió los proyectos de ley de derechos civiles históricos que terminaron formalmente con el apartheid estadounidense, y escribiría: "Me encantó ese Lyndon Johnson". Luego recordó al presidente que lo llamó negro y escribió: "Odié a Lyndon Johnson".


LBJ & # x27s medalla al valor & # x27was sham & # x27

Durante la mayor parte de su vida política, Lyndon B Johnson usó una condecoración militar de la Segunda Guerra Mundial por su valor bajo fuego a pesar de nunca haber visto un combate, reveló una investigación transmitida ayer por CNN.

LBJ fue galardonado con la Estrella de Plata, la tercera medalla de combate más alta de Estados Unidos, por una misión de investigación sobre el Pacífico en 1942 mientras era congresista de Texas y teniente comandante interino en la marina.

La citación, emitida a nombre del general Douglas MacArthur, dijo que el avión, un bombardero B-26, fue "interceptado por ocho combatientes hostiles" y que Johnson "demostró frialdad".

De hecho, según los miembros supervivientes de la tripulación, el avión desarrolló problemas mecánicos antes de alcanzar su objetivo y nunca fue atacado. Ningún otro miembro de la tripulación recibió una medalla por la misión.

El biógrafo de LBJ, Robert Dallek, dijo que la medalla fue el resultado de un acuerdo con el general MacArthur, en virtud del cual Johnson fue honrado a cambio de una promesa "de que presionaría al presidente, FDR, para proporcionar mayores recursos para el teatro del Pacífico suroeste. ".


Lyndon Baines Johnson

Una gran sociedad "para el pueblo estadounidense y sus semejantes en otros lugares fue la visión de Lyndon B. Johnson. En sus primeros años en el cargo obtuvo la aprobación de uno de los programas legislativos más extensos en la historia de la nación. Manteniendo la seguridad colectiva, llevó a sobre la lucha cada vez mayor para frenar la invasión comunista en Vietnam.

Johnson nació el 27 de agosto de 1908 en el centro de Texas, no lejos de Johnson City, que su familia había ayudado a asentar. Sintió la pizca de la pobreza rural a medida que crecía, abriéndose camino en el Southwest Texas State Teachers College (ahora conocido como Texas State University-San Marcos). Aprendió a sentir compasión por la pobreza de los demás cuando enseñó a estudiantes de ascendencia mexicana.

En 1937 hizo campaña con éxito para la Cámara de Representantes en una plataforma del New Deal, efectivamente ayudado por su esposa, la ex Claudia "Lady Bird" Taylor, con quien se había casado en 1934.

Durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial sirvió brevemente en la Armada como teniente comandante, ganando una Estrella de Plata en el Pacífico Sur. Después de seis mandatos en la Cámara, Johnson fue elegido para el Senado en 1948. En 1953, se convirtió en el líder de la minoría más joven en la historia del Senado, y al año siguiente, cuando los demócratas obtuvieron el control, en el líder de la mayoría. Con rara habilidad, obtuvo la aprobación de una serie de medidas clave de Eisenhower.

En la campaña de 1960, Johnson, como compañero de fórmula de John F. Kennedy, fue elegido vicepresidente. El 22 de noviembre de 1963, cuando Kennedy fue asesinado, Johnson juró como presidente.

Primero, obtuvo la promulgación de las medidas que el presidente Kennedy había estado instando en el momento de su muerte: un nuevo proyecto de ley de derechos civiles y una reducción de impuestos. A continuación, instó a la Nación a "construir una gran sociedad, un lugar donde el significado de la vida del hombre coincida con las maravillas del trabajo del hombre". En 1964, Johnson ganó la presidencia con el 61 por ciento de los votos y tuvo el margen popular más amplio en la historia de Estados Unidos: más de 15 millones de votos. El programa de la Gran Sociedad se convirtió en la agenda de Johnson para el Congreso en enero de 1965: ayuda a la educación, ataque a las enfermedades, Medicare, renovación urbana, embellecimiento, conservación, desarrollo de regiones deprimidas, una lucha a gran escala contra la pobreza, control y prevención del crimen y la delincuencia. , eliminación de obstáculos al derecho de voto. El Congreso, a veces aumentando o enmendando, promulgó rápidamente las recomendaciones de Johnson. Millones de personas mayores encontraron ayuda a través de la enmienda de Medicare de 1965 a la Ley del Seguro Social.

Bajo Johnson, el país hizo exploraciones espectaculares del espacio en un programa que había defendido desde sus inicios. Cuando tres astronautas orbitaron con éxito la luna en diciembre de 1968, Johnson los felicitó: "Nos han llevado a todos, en todo el mundo, a una nueva era ...".

Sin embargo, dos crisis dominantes habían ido ganando impulso desde 1965. A pesar del comienzo de nuevos programas de lucha contra la pobreza y la discriminación, los disturbios y los disturbios en los guetos negros preocuparon a la nación. El presidente Johnson ejerció constantemente su influencia contra la segregación y en nombre de la ley y el orden, pero no hubo una solución temprana.

La otra crisis surgió en Vietnam. A pesar de los esfuerzos de Johnson por poner fin a la agresión comunista y lograr un acuerdo, la lucha continuó. La controversia sobre la guerra se había agudizado a finales de marzo de 1968, cuando limitó el bombardeo de Vietnam del Norte para iniciar negociaciones. Al mismo tiempo, sorprendió al mundo al retirarse como candidato a la reelección para poder dedicar todos sus esfuerzos, sin obstáculos políticos, a la búsqueda de la paz.

Cuando dejó el cargo, las conversaciones de paz estaban en marcha y no vivió para verlas exitosas, pero murió repentinamente de un ataque al corazón en su rancho de Texas el 22 de enero de 1973.


Familia, vida temprana y educación

Lyndon Baines Johnson, nacido en Stonewall, Texas, el 27 de agosto de 1908, era el hijo mayor de Samuel Ealy Johnson Jr. y Rebekah Baines Johnson y cinco hijos. La familia Johnson, conocida por la agricultura y la ganadería, se había establecido en Texas antes de la Guerra Civil, fundando la cercana ciudad de Johnson City a raíz de ella. El padre de Johnson & aposs, un congresista de Texas, demostró ser mejor en la política que en la ganadería, y se encontró con dificultades financieras antes de perder la granja familiar cuando Johnson estaba en su adolescencia.

Johnson tuvo problemas en la escuela, pero logró graduarse de Johnson City High School en 1924. Se inscribió en el Southwest Texas State Teachers College (ahora Texas State University) y participó en debates y políticas del campus. Después de graduarse en 1930, enseñó brevemente, pero sus ambiciones políticas ya habían tomado forma. In 1931, Johnson won an appointment as legislative secretary to Texas Democratic Congressman Richard M. Kleberg and relocated to Washington, D.C. He quickly built a network of congressmen, newspapermen, lobbyists and friends, including aides to President Franklin D. Roosevelt.

In 1934, Johnson met Claudia Alta Taylor, known to her friends as "Lady Bird." Taylor soon became Johnson&aposs top aide. She used a modest inheritance to bankroll his 1937 run for Congress and ran his office for several years. She later bought a radio station and then a television station, which made the Johnsons wealthy. The couple had two daughters, Lynda Bird Johnson Robb and Luci Baines Johnson Turpin.


Part Two: The “Whistle Stop” Tour – LADY BIRD JOHNSON Special…

It was the fall of 1964. The November presidential election was looming as parts of the country still seethed over the Civil Rights Act President Lyndon Baines Johnson had signed into law just a few months earlier. The new legislation eliminated the so-called “Jim Crow” laws and guaranteed blacks access to all public accommodations and the right to equal employment opportunities.

First Lady Claudia “Lady Bird” Johnson, center, poses with the “hostesses” who worked the crowds during the campaign stops on the Lady Bird Special whistle-stop tour.

Many white southerners and politicians considered the law an assault on their way of life. Southern Democrats threatened to bolt as racial politics threatened to splinter the party and cost Mr. Johnson the election.

It was during this tumultuous time that Lady Bird Johnson showed the country just how much she could contribute to her husband’s presidency. In a four-day, 1,628-mile campaign trip aboard a train dubbed the Lady Bird Special, the First Lady traveled through eight southern states that were in such racial turmoil it had been deemed unsafe for President Johnson to go there himself.

The whistle-stop tour was key to garnering support for the president among rural southerners, and it propelled Lady Bird into the spotlight as an activist First Lady.

(Left: The Lady Bird Special) Born and raised in the deep, traditional South, Lady Bird understood the shock felt by southerners as they saw their lives altered by a distant government in Washington. She hoped to ease their anger and unrest by showing them that the end of segregation would improve the economic condition of the South and help move it into the modern world.

Lady Bird had grown up as a white woman of privilege accustomed to black maids whose husbands worked her father’s fields and whose children were her young playmates. As she contemplated her campaign in the South, Lady Bird felt the conflict between her loyalty to her southern roots and her belief in her husband’s vision.

“I knew the Civil Rights Act was right and I didn’t mind saying so,” Lady Bird said, “but I also loved the South and didn’t want it used as the whipping boy of the Democratic party.”

This compassion for southern tradition allowed Lady Bird to advocate her husband’s political goals and defend the idea of civil rights without alienating the southern voters.

A lounge car during the 1940s.

Lady Bird liked the idea of a train ride through the South because it would allow her to visit the rural landscape so often ignored by politicians. She said she wanted to go “to the land where the pavement runs out and city people don’t often go.” Her sentiment reflected earlier campaign advice that her husband had received from a former president. Harry S. Truman once told Johnson, “There are lots of people in this country who don’t know where the airport is, but they do know where the depot is. Go find them.” Lady Bird was going to do just that.

(Left: Lady Bird Johnson Special) After the 1964 Democratic convention, Lady Bird set about planning the trip with the help of her staff and other political wives. It was the first time a First Lady would hit the campaign trail without the president, and Lady Bird planned and executed every detail of the trip without any help from her husband.

The campaign had its skeptics. Ken O’Donnell, special assistant to Johnson, did not think that Lady Bird or the other wives would be able to organize the event. Some southern governors were not supportive of the whistle-stop idea because they feared Lady Bird’s trip might push southern voters toward segregationist politicians and bolster support for Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater.

Others worried that state leaders could not guarantee the first lady’s safety. Responding to concerns about assassination attempts, Lady Bird said, “I don’t think assassination is part of my destiny.” Still, organizers arranged for a separate engine to precede the Lady Bird Special by 15 minutes to clear the track of potential bombs.

On September 11, Lady Bird called every governor, senator and congressman in the eight southern states she planned to visit. Perceived by the public as soft and gracious, Lady Bird used those perceptions to attract the southern politicians to her train. “I’m thinking of coming down and campaigning in your state and I’d love your advice,” Lady Bird would tell them in her soft southern drawl.

While most of her calls were successful, several politicians turned down Lady Bird’s invitation to join her on the Lady Bird Special. Among those who refused were Sen. Willis Robertson of Virginia, Sen. Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, Governor Dick Russell of Georgia, North Carolina governor nominee Dan Moore, and Louisiana governor John McKeithen. Lady Bird did not bother to call Alabama governor George Wallace, the country’s most vehement opponent to civil rights.

“There was no use in calling Governor George Wallace,” she said in her diary. “I doubt it would even be courteous to do so.”

Lady Bird with President Johnson. The private car’s Pullman porter stands to the left.

On October 6, Lady Bird boarded the 19-car train with her husband, and embarked on her four-day whistle-stop tour. After the 15-minute ride to Alexandria, Va., the president disembarked from the Lady Bird Special, and the First Lady was on her own. At each stop, 15 hostesses would escort local politicians and supporters of President Johnson on to the train for a brief meeting with the First Lady and to pose for photos.

Lady Bird Johnson aboard the train with guests.

She often used southern cuisine to win people’s affection, serving state specialties and distributing recipes for particular southern dishes. Her appeal to the southern appetite worked to identify her with her southern roots. In Wilson, North Carolina, a local politician introduced Lady Bird by saying she was “as much a part of the South as tobacco, peanuts, and red-eye gravy.”

“For me this trip has been a source of anxiety and anticipation,” Lady Bird said at the start of the whistle-stop. “Anxiety because I am not used to whistle-stopping without my husband anticipation because I am returning to familiar territory and heading into a region I call home.”

As she had expected, but had hoped to avoid, Lady Bird encountered angry southerners protesting her husband and his civil rights agenda. She continually found herself having to placate people who called her husband a “nigger-lover” without condoning their racism. As she pulled into Richmond, Va., Lady Bird was greeted by a big banner that read “Fly Away Lady Bird. Here in Richmond, Barry is the Cat’s Meow.” In Columbia, South Carolina, people booed and heckled Lady Bird during her speech so that she could not be heard. The state hosts were unable to quiet the hecklers, but with a raised, white-gloved hand and a firm voice, Lady Bird silenced the crowd.

“This is a country of many viewpoints,” she told the Columbia crowd. “I respect your right to express your own. Now it is my turn to express mine. Thank you.”

Years later, Washington Post publisher Katharine Graham reflected on Lady Bird’s success on her southern tour, noting that “she talked with such authority because she belonged there.”

But Lady Bird’s appeal for respect failed in Charleston, South Carolina, where the boos and catcalls did not stop. The organizers knew that the people of Charleston would voice significant opposition to Johnson, but had included it in the tour because Lady Bird did not want to shun the towns typically avoided by Democrats.

Lady Bird “wanted to go where other Democrats weren’t going,” said Liz Carpenter, Lady Bird’s press secretary. “In 1964, anybody could go to Atlanta and speak out for civil rights and still get out with their hides on. She told us to give her the tough towns. And so we took Charleston.”

The train and hostesses…

As the Lady Bird Special crossed into northern Florida, the Secret Service received an anonymous report that the train might be bombed. FBI and other law enforcement officers swept a 7-mile bridge that the train was scheduled to cross, while a security helicopter and several boats escorted the train across the bridge.

Despite the opposition, media reports widely praised Lady Bird’s whistle-stop trip, and credited it with having a profound impact on President Johnson’s prospects for victory. An editorial in the Atlanta Constitutionsaid that the whistle-stop tour reminded southerners that the president was “the son of a southern tenant farmer and that he asks for the vote of this state not as a distant theorist but as a native southerner who understands his kin.” The editorial asked its readers, “Can Georgia turn away… from the first southern president in a century? That question goes deep, and so did Mrs. Johnson’s visit.”

As the Lady Bird Special pulled into New Orleans on Oct. 9, a huge multiracial crowd joined President Johnson in meeting Lady Bird at the end of her tour. Mr. Johnson was there to thank her for her tireless and courageous efforts. In four days, Lady Bird had made 47 speeches in 47 towns to approximately 500,000 southerners. Speaking to the crowd at the train terminal, Lady Bird said, “I am aware that there are those who would exploit the South’s past troubles to their own advantage, but I do not believe that the majority of the South wants any part of the old business.”

Lady Bird had embarked on her political tour at a time when only 30 percent of married women had jobs, and only 20 percent of women with children were employed. She demonstrated the political prowess women were capable of before feminism became a mainstream force in American society.

After Lady Bird’s tour ended, syndicated columnist Max Freedman wrote that the whistle-stop campaign made clear that Lady Bird was “no passive partner” in her marriage. “Perhaps this marks the emergence of women as central figures in a national contest instead of being on the edges of a campaign,” Freedman wrote.

LADY BIRD SPECIAL
By Meredith Hindley | HUMANITIES, May/June 2013

Dinner in the dining car.

Just before dawn on Tuesday, October 6, 1964, the Lady Bird Special pulled away from Track 12 at Union Station. Over the next four days, the nineteen-car train carried First Lady Claudia “Lady Bird” Johnson on a whistle-stop tour of the South, covering 1,682 miles from Washington, D.C., to New Orleans. Johnson wasn’t going to be sitting quietly and smiling pleasantly while her husband did all of the talking. Instead, she was going to make speech after speech from the back of the train, telling folks in towns big and small why they should vote the Democratic ticket. Before it was over, she would make forty-seven speeches, shake hands with more than one thousand Democratic leaders, and speak before more than two hundred thousand people. It was the first time that a first lady had campaigned alone, without her spouse. Not even Eleanor Roosevelt had done it.

Laura Bush, Michelle Obama, and other first ladies have stumped for their husbands. But, in 1964, it was a decidedly uncommon event, made more so by Johnson’s choice of where to go. The South had become hostile territory for Democrats because of the party ’s role in championing civil rights. And no candidate was more identified with civil rights than Lyndon Baines Johnson.

Several factors made the 1964 election especially contentious. President Kennedy had been assassinated, Cold War hostilities with the Soviet Union were a grave concern after the Cuban Missile Crisis, and Americans had good reason to feel they were living through a moment of great social change. President Johnson had become the major advocate of civil rights legislation among officeholders, while the Republican candidate, Senator Barry Goldwater, tapped into a significant stream of negative feeling against an activist federal government.

The campaign was extraordinarily negative: Democrats showed, though only once, the famous “Daisy” ad, equating a Goldwater presidency with nuclear destruction. Critics of the civil rights movement used blatantly racist language and the threat of violence to make their case.
Goldwater had voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which LBJ had maneuvered through Congress with skills he had learned over three decades on the Hill and by invoking the fallen president’s memory. Goldwater, an early favorite, had stumbled badly, and, with two months to go before Election Day, the momentum clearly favored Johnson, who, craving validation, wanted a margin of victory large enough to smash any doubts that he had gotten to the White House on his own steam.

In September, a Gallup poll gave Johnson a 69 percent to 31 percent lead. So far ahead, the Johnson campaign could have ceded the South to the Republicans. Even if every state in the region went for Goldwater, Johnson could still garner almost 400 electoral votes, far surpassing the 270 needed to win. But Johnson wasn’t a man to shrink from a fight, and Lady Bird believed an effort needed to be made to court Southern voters. As a native of Texas with relatives in Alabama and Louisiana, the first lady knew there was more to the South than angry white men who opposed civil rights.

“I have a strong sentimental, family, deep tie to the South, and I thought the South was getting a bad rap from the nation and indeed the world,” she recalled years later in her oral history. “It was painted as a bastion of ignorance and prejudice and all sorts of ugly things. It was my country, and although I knew I couldn’t be all that persuasive to them, at least I could talk to them in language they would understand. Maybe together we could do something to help Lyndon and then perhaps to change the viewpoint of some of those newspaper people who were traveling with me.”

The extensive oral history that Lady Bird did in conjunction with the Lyndon B. Johnson Presidential Library reveals a gracious woman who continued to grow with each new challenge thrust upon her. Michael Gillette, director of Humanities Texas, conducted the majority of the interviews and has edited the newly declassified transcripts into the highly readable Lady Bird Johnson: An Oral History, from which some of the material for this article was drawn.
The whistle-stop tour was in many ways a culmination of Lady Bird’s political education. At loose ends after finishing a journalism degree at the University of Texas, she fell hard for Lyndon, a strapping, dark-haired law student with a boisterous personality and ambition enough for both of them. After an intense ten-week courtship by letter, she agreed to marry him. When Lyndon ran for Congress in 1937, she used her inheritance to stake his campaign. When he went off to fight in World War II, she ran his congressional office. Even after the birth of their two daughters, Lynda (1944) and Luci (1947), her involvement continued to grow. “She was faced with a dilemma in her life as to whether she would make her husband’s career her top priority or whether she would stay home with her daughters. She chose the former,” says Gillette.

Johnson also became more confident in her abilities. “Nineteen forty-eight was really her debut,” says Gillette of LBJ’s successful campaign for the Senate. “She did more than say thank you for the barbecue and sit down. She gave a full-blown speech and went around the state campaigning for LBJ.” As her public role expanded, Johnson enlisted a speech coach to help fine-tune her delivery. During the 1960 presidential election, Kennedy asked Johnson if she would court the women’s vote in place of his wife, Jackie, who was pregnant and worried about a miscarriage. She logged thirty-five thousand miles, eleven states, and one hundred fifty events with her husband.

Before embarking on the whistle-stop tour, she told the Christian Science Monitor, “For me, and probably for most women, the attempt to become an involved, practicing citizen has become a matter of evolution rather than choice. Actually, if given a choice between lying in a hammock under an apple tree with a book of poetry and watching the blossoms float down, or standing on a platform before thousands of people, I don’t have to tell you what I would have chosen twenty-five years ago.”

The original idea for a whistle-stop tour came from Harry Truman, who had suggested that LBJ undertake one for the 1960 election. “You may not believe this, Lyndon,” said Truman, “but there are still a hell of a lot of people in this country who don’t know where the airport is. But they damn sure know where the depot is. And if you let ‘em know you’re coming, they’ll be down and listen to you.” Over the course of five days in October 1960, LBJ covered eight southern states and thirty-five hundred miles. Now it was Lady Bird’s turn. Whereas the president had been waging a bare-knuckle brawl, the first lady would wage a charm offensive. She would talk about her husband’s accomplishments, the goals for his administration, and how the federal government had helped each community. She would praise local heroes. What she wouldn’t do was scold southerners about civil rights.

The tour, organized out of the East Wing, was primarily a woman-planned, woman-run operation. Johnson had the capable and charming Bess Abell as her social secretary and Liz Carpenter as her press secretary and staff director. A former reporter, Carpenter had cut her teeth on the Kennedy-Johnson campaign and went on to serve as the vice president’s executive assistant, the first woman to hold the position. Kenny O’Donnell, LBJ’s principal campaign adviser, wasn’t sure Lady Bird’s plan would work. “He sat sphinx-like in meetings with me—half laughing at the whole idea and obviously feeling that neither the South nor women were important in the campaign,” wrote Carpenter in her memoir, Ruffles and Flourishes. The president, however, loved the idea and pored over maps with the first lady, tracing railroad lines and making suggestions for where to stop.

The trip also received a helping hand from congressional wives—Lindy Boggs of Louisiana, Betty Talmadge of Georgia, and Carrie Davis of Tennessee. Virginia Russell, wife of Donald Russell, the outgoing governor of South Carolina, stayed for three weeks in a guest room at the White House to assist with the planning. “The South may have its shortages—in nutrition and education—but I will match the political talents of Southern women against any others, anytime and anyplace,” wrote Carpenter. “They have the uncanny ability to look fragile and lovely as a magnolia blossom, and still possess the managerial ability of an AFL-CIO organizer.”

The first lady spent Friday, September 11, personally calling governors and congressmen in the eight states that she would pass through to invite them to board the train. North Carolina senators Sam Ervin and Everett Jordan said yes, but Senator A. Willis Robertson of Virginia would be away hunting antelope. Harry Byrd of Virginia also declined, citing the recent death of his wife. Byrd may have been in mourning, but the pro-segregation senator was also quietly organizing “Democrats for Goldwater.” As an antidote to the Lady Bird Special, he arranged for Strom Thurmond, South Carolina senator and die-hard Dixiecrat, to campaign for Goldwater on the day the first lady passed through Virginia. Thurmond, of course, politely declined Johnson’s request, but South Carolina’s senior senator, Olin Johnston, accepted. Lady Bird knew better than to ask Alabama governor George Wallace, a virulent segregationist. “I doubt it would even be courteous to do so,” she recorded in her diary.

Tuesday, October 6

The Lady Bird Special departed Washington just before dawn. The jewel of the train was the “Queen Mary,” a special observation car built thirty-four years earlier by the Wabash Railroad and rescued from a Pennsylvania junkyard. The car had received a hasty makeover, starting with a shiny new red, white, and blue paint job on the exterior. A brass platform for speechmaking was fitted on to the back. The inside of the car, which served as a rolling reception room, was painted light blue and decorated with family photos and campaign posters. For all of its old-school charm, the “Queen Mary” lacked modern air-conditioning, requiring a constant supply of ice to keep the car cool. At each stop, an advance man from the campaign arranged for blocks of ice to be loaded onto the base of the train. The next to last car consisted of living and sleeping quarters for Johnson and her daughters. Painted a deep green, it was quickly dubbed “the green room of the White House.”

The remaining cars were stuffed to capacity with campaign staff and more than two hundred reporters, who ranged from old political hands to foreign correspondents, eager to see the traveling spectacle. To help “Nawthern” reporters understand the South, Carpenter prepared a tongue-in-cheek “Dixie Dictionary.” “Tall cotton” was what southerners walk through due to Johnson prosperity. “Kissin’ Kin” was anyone who would come down to the depot. A “Fat Back” was a rich Democrat who had turned Republican, but now had the good sense to return to the Democratic fold. Frances Lewine, a reporter for the Associated Press, filed a story about the dictionary, only to have it yanked from the wires for containing “objectionable material.”

A dining car kept reporters nourished with Southern-inspired snacks and Johnson family favorites—everything from pickled okra to crab dip to guacamole and chili con queso. The recipes were printed up in newspapers, so others could have a taste of Johnson’s hospitality.

As the Lady Bird Special made its first stop in Alexandria, Virginia, the sun was barely poking above the Potomac River. Five thousand people turned out to see the first lady, who wore an “American beauty red wool dress and jacket,” and her daughter Lynda, who sported a “black and white checkered jacket and elbow length blue gloves.” Three high school bands played “Yellow Rose of Texas.”

I wanted to make this trip because I am proud of the South and I am proud that I am part of the South,” Johnson told the crowd. The country needed to look for the ties that “bind us together, not settle for the tensions that tend to divide us.” She praised the response of local government across the South to the civil rights law. The crowd didn’t cheer that line, nor did they roar when the president, who had come to see his wife off, mentioned his running mate, Hubert Humphrey, a senator from Minnesota with a strong record on civil rights.

After kissing his wife on the cheek, LBJ boarded a helicopter for the short trip back to the White House. But Lady Bird wasn’t alone. Louisiana congressman and majority whip Hale Boggs signed up as her escort for the entire trip. She also had her staff, congressional wives, and a phalanx of Secret Service agents. A steady stream of guests boarded at each stop, with the travel time between stations used for photographs and chitchat. To keep from being over-whelmed with flowers, which appeared by the bushel, arrangements were made for bouquets to be given to hospitals and retirement homes farther up the line.

The train stopped next in Fredericksburg, Ashland, Richmond, and Petersburg. Five miles out from the depot, the speakers on the train started blaring, “Hello Lyndon!” Composer Jerry Herman, a Johnson supporter, had rewritten the words to the title song from his smash Broadway hit, Hello Dolly! “Hello, Lyndon! Hello, Lyndon! It’s so nice to have you there where you belong!” To ensure that crowds turned out to greet the train, more than sixty “advance women” had descended on towns along the route three or four days before the whistle-stop tour ’s arrival. They met with local officials, courted garden and community clubs, and put out press releases. “One of them was named Mrs. Robert E. Lee, and I wish to gosh every one of their names had been Mrs. Robert E. Lee,” said Carpenter in her oral history.

For the brief stops, which lasted between five to twenty minutes, Johnson and the politicians who had joined her would speak from the back of the train. As they talked, fifteen hostesses with Southern drawls, outfitted in Breton straw sailor hats, royal blue dresses, and white gloves, floated through the crowd, handing out peppermint taffy, balloons, buttons, pennants, and campaign memorabilia.

After stopping in Suffolk on the way to the Atlantic coast, the train rolled into Norfolk at midday for a rally and flag-raising ceremony at Norfolk Civic Center. More than fifteen hundred people lined the five-block route, while another five thousand gathered on the center ’s plaza, along with high school bands and rifle squad.

From Norfolk, it was on to North Carolina, where the first stop was Ahoskie, a town of forty-five hundred. The sheriff estimated, however, that ten thousand people turned out to see the first lady. “This is the second biggest crowd we’ve had since Buffalo Bill brought his Wild West show here in 1916,” a resident told the Chicago Tribune. In A White House Diary, Johnson recalled a woman in Ahoskie who pushed her way through the crowd to shake her hand. The woman said, “I got up at 3 o’clock this morning and milked twenty cows so I could get here by train time!”

Large crowds and a growing number of protestors turned out to see her in Tarboro, Rocky Mount, and Wilson. During the planning for the trip, Carpenter, worried about the vagaries of press interest, had told the president that she thought they would “need beefing up by the time we get to Raleigh.” LBJ responded, “I’ll be there.”

After a stop in the little town of Selma, the train rolled into Raleigh, and LBJ joined Lady Bird for a rally at North Carolina State College. Fourteen thousand people jammed Reynolds Coliseum. Carpenter ’s plan worked. Reporters who might have passed on covering the first lady could not ignore a campaign stop by the president, and Lady Bird’s spirits were lifted. “He knew we needed a stimulant then to keep the train going,” she said in her oral history. “I always felt that he was sorry he wasn’t along every bit of the way.”

Wednesday, October 7

Before noon, the Lady Bird Special stopped in Durham, Greensboro, and Thomasville. Twenty-five thousand people gathered for a lunchtime rally at Charlotte’s Independence Square. In early afternoon, the train crossed into South Carolina, stopping first in Rock Hill, a town that made headlines in February 1961 when nine African-American men were arrested for attempting to desegregate a lunch counter. Then, in May of that year, a bus carrying the original thirteen Freedom Riders, a group dedicated to desegregating interstate travel, arrived in Rock Hill. Three of the riders, one of whom was John Lewis, attempting to enter the whites-only waiting room in the Greyhound bus terminal, were beaten by a group of white men.

Three years later, Johnson was received as a friendly visitor. “The sign on the dusty railway station said ‘Rock Hill,’” reported the Charlotte Observer. “But for 10 thrilling minutes Wednesday it was Petticoat Junction—and the men in the First Lady ’s party took a back seat. Eight thousand yelling, cheering people looked right past a governor, a senator, and dozens of other high-ranking Democrats. They fastened their eyes on a dark-haired woman in a red dress and on her pretty daughter, dressed in green. . . . The roar of approval left no doubt that the thousands gathered here were glad to claim the First Lady as a kissin’ cousin.”

At every train stop, reporters mingled with the crowd in search of local color, which is how Gloria Negri, reporter for the Boston Globe, found herself stranded in Chester. Before the train departed, a bell sounded to let the reporters know that they had two minutes to get back on the train. Unable to make the step up, Negri watched as the Lady Bird Special pulled away, the sound of “Happy Days Are Here Again” trailing in its wake. Carpenter had told reporters that if they were left behind, they should find the campaign’s advance man for a lift to the next stop—or better yet, stay in town, become a resident, and vote for Johnson.

When she couldn’t find the advance man, Negri appealed to Chester ’s deputy sheriff, William L. Nunnery, for help. At first the deputy didn’t believe her story, suggesting that she might be a Republican spy. “But chivalry is not dead in the South,” declared Negri. With the siren screaming and the speedometer reaching eighty on the twisting back roads, Nunnery gave Negri a ride to the next stop, arriving in Winnsboro as the Lady Bird Special pulled in.

After Chester and Winnsboro, the train stopped in Columbia, where Johnson encountered her first serious group of protestors. Goldwater supporters chanted “We want Barry!” upon her arrival. By the time the first lady and her contingent stepped onto the speaking platform in front of the station, a vocal war of “We want Barry!” versus “We want Lyndon!” had erupted. The hecklers quieted down for the prayer, but fired up again as Johnson was about to begin her speech. The first lady, sun glaring in her eyes, faced the crowd without her usual smile.

She spoke of LBJ’s role in negotiating the Test Ban Treaty. “That treaty came at the end of a long, hard path of negotiations, and my husband is proud to have played a part in gaining this measure of safety for the people of the world.” The heckling started again, but she’d had enough. Lifting her white gloved hand, she silenced the Goldwater supporters: “This is a country of many viewpoints. I respect your opportunity to express your viewpoint. Now it’s my opportunity to present mine.”

More hecklers awaited Johnson in Orangeburg, a John Birch stronghold. Her reception grew less gracious with each stop, which she knew would happen. “In 1964, anybody could go to Atlanta and speak out for civil rights and still get out with their hides on,” observed Carpenter. “She told us to give her the tough towns. And so we took Charleston.” There, she again appealed for civility, but failed to sway the Goldwater supporters, who drowned out her speech with their chants and boos. One heckler told the New York Times that the president was communist because “he supports niggers.”

Thursday, October 8

Before leaving Charleston, Johnson toured The Battery by carriage, forcing more than a hundred reporters on foot to try and keep pace with a bay mare named Jimmy and a palomino named Sport. Touring the antebellum homes with their pastel facades and sprawling white verandas would have offered a pleasant break, if not for the signs on one door after another saying, “This House is Sold on Goldwater.”

Next, the train headed for Georgia and the Deep South, beginning the two most challenging days of the trip. In Savannah, a crowd of 15,000 turned out for a lunchtime rally. The Goldwater supporters were also back, carrying signs that read, “This is Goldwater Country ” and “Down the Drain With Lyndon Baines.” When a pastor tried to deliver the invocation, he was drowned out with shouts of “We Want Barry!” Georgia governor Carl Sanders, a Democrat who supported desegregation, received similar treatment. The first lady talked right through the taunts, and even shook the hand of one of the protestors. When the Chicago Tribune asked the hecklers why they had come, one replied: “If we hadn’t come, the newspapers might have said ‘Savannah is solidly behind Johnson.’ It’s not.”

As the train made its way from Georgia into Florida, the Secret Service received an anonymous tip about a bomb threat. Before the train made its way across a seven-mile bridge, the FBI and local law enforcement officials surveyed it for explosives. Despite the “all clear,” the train received an escort by boat, while a helicopter kept watch overhead.

Friday, October 9

The final day of the whistle-stop tour was a whirlwind ride through Florida’s panhandle, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. With each stop, Johnson’s accent grew a little thicker, a little more Southern. After stops in DeFuniak Springs, Crestview, Milton, and Pensacola, the Lady Bird Special rolled into Alabama. In Flomaton, population twenty-five hundred, Johnson told the crowd how her summer vacations consisted of “swimming in the creek, watermelon cuttings, hayrides and visiting aunts and cousins in Selma and Montgomery and Billingsley and Prattville.” Also waiting for her at Flomaton was a grand bouquet of red roses sent by Governor George Wallace, a very unexpected gesture.

In Mobile, the Goldwater supporters were back, but so was Johnson’s inherent graciousness. “Mrs. Johnson was the most relaxed, the most fiery and the most appealing of all the days of her history-making whistlestopping tour of the South,” declared the Chicago Tribune. “Ah’m home,” Johnson told the enthusiastic crowd who had gathered in front of Phoenix No. 6, a restored firehouse, in downtown Mobile. After dedicating the firehouse, Johnson received the key to the city and was made an honorary chief of the fire department.

“I am proud to be in a state where my mother and father were born and raised and being in Mobile is in part a sentimental journey for me. I’m mighty glad to be in that part of the country where, although you might not like all I say, at least you understand the way I say it,” she told the crowd. “Standing here today, I feel that having spent so many summers of my past here and having traveled quite some since, I can speak of what the new South means to the nation. I can talk about the warmth and courtesy of the South of my youth, which will never change, and about the new South that I saw at Huntsville where man turns his face to the moon, and the new South I see here in Mobile.”

In Mississippi, the train made one stop, in Biloxi, where Johnson emphasized how Keesler Air Force base, home to 17,000, pumped federal dollars into the local economy. It was a tactic she’d used repeatedly over the previous three days: keep mum on civil rights while reminding the local residents of how the federal government helped their community.

Johnson passed through Mississippi without incident, but not for a lack of trying on the part of the Ku Klux Klan. During a hearing before the House Committee on Un-American Activities in January 1966, testimony revealed that Louis Di Salvo, a barber and gunrunner for the Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi, had attempted to recruit the KKK chapter in Poplarville to bomb the Lady Bird Special as it passed through the state.

After Biloxi, there was only one more stop, New Orleans, the culmination of the four-day trip. When the Lady Bird Special pulled into Union Station, the president was waiting with open arms for his wife. “Mrs. Johnson embraced her husband as if they had been separated for three years instead of three days, and prolonged the clasp for the benefit of television cameras,” wrote the Chicago Tribune. Forty thousand supporters, mostly African American, had also been bused in for the rally.

“This was not only a sentimental journey, but a political one,” she told the crowd. “I came because I want to say that for this president and his wife, we appreciate you and care about you, and we have faith in you.” She and the president had “too much respect for the South to take it for granted and too much closeness to it to ignore it.” Johnson also made her first reference to civil rights since the send-off in Alexandria, Virginia. “I do not believe that the majority of the South wants any part of the old bitterness, and the more I have seen these last few days, the more I know that is true.”

The first lady’s work, however, wasn’t done. She and the president made their way down Canal Street, riding in an open car, to attend a campaign fund-raising dinner at the Jung Hotel. At the dinner, LBJ delivered a speech that would further help to galvanize his campaign, presenting himself as a statesman who would not shrink from taking a stand. “If we are to heal our history and make this nation whole, prosperity must know no Mason-Dixon line and opportunity must know no color line,” he told those gathered. “Whatever your views are, we have a Constitution and we have a Bill of Rights, and we have the law of the land, and two-thirds of the Democrats in the Senate voted for it [the civil rights bill] and three-fourths of the Republicans. I signed it, and I am going to enforce it, and . . . any man that is worthy of the high office of president is going to do the same thing.”

All the Way with LBJ

Four weeks later, the nation decided to go “All the Way with LBJ,” voting Johnson into the White House with 61.1 percent of the popular vote. No candidate had made such a sweep since the election of 1820. He also netted 486 electoral votes to Goldwater ’s 52. Of the eight states visited by the Lady Bird Special, Johnson won three—Virginia, North Carolina, and Florida. The other five—South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana—went to Goldwater. The Republicans also claimed Goldwater ’s home state of Arizona.

While a short episode in the acrimonious campaign of 1964, the Lady Bird Special reaped tangible benefits for the Johnson-Humphrey ticket. In her pleasant Southern manner, the first lady had delivered the message that Democrats and her husband hadn’t written off the South over conflicting views regarding civil rights. Democratic leaders who had demurred on endorsing Johnson, because of his stance on civil rights, climbed aboard the Lady Bird Special. The tour mobilized Democratic support in communities that had previously been untapped. It also generated a feel-good story about the Johnson campaign that became fodder for newspapers and nightly newscasts. Reports of Goldwater supporters showing a lack of respect for the first lady didn’t hurt either.

After the election, the first lady and the women who had ridden the Lady Bird Special once again joined forces to promote Head Start, a program aimed at providing an educational and nutritional boost to low-income children.

The Lady Bird Special, which Johnson called “a marvelous, utterly exhausting adventure,” came to hold a special place in her heart. “Scores of times since that October as I have stood in a receiving line someone would come up and say, ‘I rode with you on the Whistlestop’—and we would clasp hands with a warmth and rush of memories of that very special time, those four most dramatic days in my political life.”

Pullman Porters – Service not Servitude

During the century spanning the years 1868-1968, the African-American railroad attendant’s presence on the train became a tradition within the American scene. By the 1920s, a peak decade for the railroads, 20,224 African-Americans were working as Pullman Porters and train personnel. At that time, this was the largest category of black labor in the United States and Canada.

At one time the Pullman Company was the largest hotel in the world – with over 100,000 passengers every-night in their sleeping cars.

The Pullman Porters organized and founded the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters in 1925. The BSCP was the very first African-American labor union to sign a collective bargaining agreement with a major U.S. corporation. A. Philip Randolph was the determined, dedicated, and articulate president of this union who fought to improve the working conditions and pay for the Pullman Porters.

The porters had tried to organize since the begining of the century. The wages and working conditions were below average for decades. For example, the porters were required to work 400 hours per month or 11,000 miles—whichever occurred first to receive full pay. Porters depended on the passengers’ tips in order to earn a decent level of pay. Typically, the porters’ tips were more than their monthly salary earned from the Pullman Company. After many years of suffering these types of conditions, the porters united with A. Philip Randolph as their leader. Finally, having endured threats from the Pullman Company such as job loss and harassment, the BSCP forced the company to the bargaining table. On August 25, 1937, after 12 years of battle, the BSCP was recognized as the official union of the Pullman Porters.

Protected by the union, the job of a Pullman Porter was one of economic stability and held high social prestige in the African-American community. A. Philip Randolph utilized the power of the labor union and the unity that it represented to demand significant social changes for African-Americans nationally. The museum’s exhibits tell the story of the power of unity, leadership, action, organization, and determination. This story is one of ordinary men who did extraordinary things. A. Philip Randolph and the members of the BSCP understood the power of collective work and community involvement. They improved the quality of life for themselves and made sure that their efforts improved the lives of those who were to follow. They worked together to fight many battles and they won many victories for African-American people. They demonstrated and personified the meaning of the word brotherhood. These African-American men were American heroes.